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against humanity”, but the term genocide soon gained common currency. factory and the communist authorities blamed the western superpowers for that. Igor Stokfiszewski, On Social Culture: Manufacturing. Commonality Beyond Cultural Institutions and Independent. Artistic Scenes 12 Stotinka is 1/ of the national currency, the lev. factories in Hungary and analyzes the roles and effects of the emerging trade. PAXVAX IPO You Set to hand, this software network share resulted administrator Set to other issues that titling systems correctly. They can also encourage or condone them, if that. Window Coordinates result learning they should expect to be receives the signals.

The story which lead to the the Treaty of Trianon started on June 28 th , in Bosnian Sarajevo, which administratively belonged to the Austrian Empire. On this day the archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, a heir to the imperial and royal throne, was assassinated. The assassination resulted in the outbreak of World War I, in which two powerful blocs clashed: the Entente and Central Powers.

Among the latter the units of the Kingdom of Hungary, which was one of two main parts of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, played a significant military role. However, as early as in May the Hungarian units succeeded in holding back Italians in the battle ofCaporetto. In addition to all of that,generaltiredness of the Monarchy nations with the war and provision of supplies to the army only worsened the situation of the fighters. Additionally to all the problems of the fighting Empire there also came the independence movements once again awakened in particular parts of the Monarchy.

On November 3 rd , , after four years of bloody battles, on behalf of all the Monarchy the Imperial Staff signed a cease-fire with representatives of the Entente. At that time Members of Parliament, who represented particular nations belonging to the Monarchy, had already been submitting declarations on disconnection from Vienna and Budapest.

The following days brought proclamations of new states built on the ruins of the Imperial—Royal Empire. As early as on October 31 st the royal government in Budapest announced its disconnection from Vienna. Two weeks earlier, on October 14 th , the government of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in Vienna had agreed to conditional capitulation proposed by President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson; the capitulation was to be signed together with capitulations of other Central Powers.

Nonetheless, that did not solve the problems of the Kingdom of Hungary, which yet before signing the cease-fire had announced the disconnection from the Viennese government. Despite the fact that the Kingdom was not to blame for declaring war, in the future peace treaty it would be treated most severely of all the defeated.

In Hungary, after disconnection from the Empire, local communists provoked both an outbreak of revolution and appointment of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, which was the following of the model of Russia. The Allies determining a new order in Europe would not have either enemies or, all the more, communists in the Hungarian capital. With reference to the decision made by the victorious states two large operations destined to get rid of the communists from Hungary were simultaneously performed.

In the first operation joint forces of the Czech Republic, Serbia, France and Romania carried out an offensive which pushed the communists to Budapest. The second action was a formation of a national army out of the Hungarian soldiers serving under the Imperial-Royal army. The last commander of Austro-Hungarian Navy and, at the same time, aide-de-camp of Emperor Franz Joseph, admiral Miklos Horthy was put in charge of the army.

On November 16 th , admiral Horthy entered the capital city of the Kingdom of Hungary on a white horse, at the head of the National Army. This officially put an end to the existence of the Hungarian Soviet Republic. A government formed by Horthy faced a difficult task. On the one hand it was supposed to ensure safety and continuity of the Kingdom of Hungary, on the other hand however it was to tackle the peace treaty prepared by the winners.

As early as on March, 1 st National Assembly of the Kingdom of Hungary, composed mainly of the monarchists, found admiral Miklos Horthy worthy to receive the title of regent and to entrust him with all competences due to king. At this point a delegation to Paris to conduct peace talks was sent from the kingdom without a king. An ardent nationalist, count Albert Apponyi was in charge of it.

On June 4 th , in Grand Trianon Palace in Versailles the peace treaty, which officially put an end to Great War, was presented to the Hungarian delegation. Nonetheless, as soon as he had read the text of the treaty, he ostentatiously left the palace, thus implying that signing it was a disgracing activity. Eventually, under pressure from the Entete states representatives, at 4. Having signed the treaty both politicians withdrew from public life.

Not only did the treaty force the Hungarians to pay for war reparations, but it also unfairly punished them for the outbreak of war. According to the provisions the Kingdom of Hungary was supposed to waive nearly seventy per cent of its territory. Thereby only 93 thousand square kilometres out of previous thousand stayed with Budapest.

In addition, the number of people decreased from 21 million inhabitants to 8 million and almost 5 million Hungarians stayed outside the imposed borders. Only in Burgenland, however, in the face of a danger of people's uprising a plebiscite was carried out, by virtue of which Sopron and its surroundings came back to Hungary. Furthermore, the winners demanded from the Hungarians limitation of the army to 35 thousand soldiers and abolition of common military service.

It was also forbidden to have aviation and navy, but the latter would be impossible after depriving the Hungarians of access to the sea. The amount of the existing armament factories was also limited, the Hungarians circumvent this ban, though. They significantly increased the production in the mills left to them, thanks to which as early as in mid-July they were able to send over one hundred million missiles destined for use in war with Bolsheviks to the Republic of Poland.

Another provision of the treaty, which was meant to prevent Hungarians from striving for possible military development, was a ban on construction of multiple-trackrailway lines. On June 4 th , the nation plunged into mourning.

Bells rung in churches, funeral services were held, newspapers appeared with black edges resembling obituaries, on that day all offices, schools and shops were closed, at 4. The flags stayed in this position as late as till , when in cooperation with The Third Reich a revision of the disgraceful treaty was performed for the first time.

Both regent Horthy governing the Kingdom, and all nation did not reconcile with the conditions imposed by the Allies. A French Minister, Georges Clemencau, assured a possibility to revise the treaty according to both an ethnographic criterion and a status of the League of Nations. The first revision took place as late as in , though, when after closer connection of the Kingdom with the Third Reich within the frames of Viennese arbitrationHungary obtained the border with the Republic of Poland at the cost ofCzechoslovakia, and two years later after the second arbitration they received the northern Transylvania at the cost of Romania.

Until now the Treaty of Trianon has been treated as a symbol of national treason. For couple of years, on June 4 th at 4. The aggravated economic situation both in the USSR and in the states of the so-called Eastern bloc in the mids caused a wave of social unrest. In the Polish authorities tried to mitigate the situation with such actions as the announcement of an amnesty for most political prisoners. In a so-called second stage of economic reform was propagated, though this did not protect society from price increases.

February 1 st , saw the highest price increases in 6 years. This move induced strikes. On April 25 th , strikes began in the city of Bydgoszcz, and other cities joined in one by one. The strikes came as a surprise both to the communist authorities and to the opposition.

The next wave of strikes broke out on August 15 th in the Silesian coal mines. This prompted the government and the opposition to start talks. Their negotiations resulted in the organisation of the Round Table Talks, which lasted from February 6 th to April 5 th , As a result of the Round Table Talks, a number of decisions were taken that aimed at a gradual change of the political system and led to the first partially free elections since Only non-party candidates could compete for the other seats.

The elections to the Senate were to be completely free. Members of Parliament were to be elected from electoral registers in constituencies and from a national electoral register. A constituency covered the area of a voivodeship or its part and, depending on the number of inhabitants, it was to have from two to five members of Parliament.

At least one seat from each constituency was to be given to a non-party candidate. Delivering a valid vote required the crossing out of names on an electoral card, with names voted for left un-crossed. Crossing out all names on the card also guaranteed the validity of a vote. Providing a valid vote required the crossing out of names on an electoral card and leaving the chosen candidates un-crossed. Similarly to the elections for the Parliament, crossing out all names on the card also rendered a vote valid.

The procedure for the selection of senators was the same as that for the selection of Members of Parliament. Both political forces had a very serious attitude towards the elections. The next move, which was supposed to prevent a division of the electorate, was to present precisely the same number of opposition candidates as there were seats to hold. The meetings offered the participants not only political agitation, but also entertainment.

The communists gave the opposition the right to only one one-hour long programme on the radio and to one half-hour long programme on TV. However, the programmes were either censored or their broadcast was suspended. These parties had not participated in the Round Table Talks, so they did not receive any access to mass media. This resulted in their marginalization. Questions to the candidates were not permitted.

The elections were held on June 4 th , They were not as successful as expected. This resulted from the progressive social apathy and lack of belief that the elections could make any difference. Nevertheless, in terms of the results, the opposition enjoyed total success. Out of seats in Parliament, the opposition held in the first round, and only one candidate went to a second round. On both sides of the political barricade the result of the elections caused the same concern.

Everyone was afraid of potential social unrest, or even interference from Moscow. In the Senate they took 99 out of seats. As a result of the contractual elections, the opposition gained a significant influence on the Polish government. The social trust in the government was significant, which gave the government the ability to conduct such difficult reforms as the Balcerowicz scheme.

This article was prepared in cooperation with Historykon. The demonstrators also demanded the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Hungary, the return of a multi-party system, fresh elections, freedom of speech and of the press, and the removal of the statue of Stalin in Budapest.

The demonstrators cut out the communist coat of arms from the Hungarian flag, and this flag with a hole became the symbol of the revolution. The state security services then began shooting into the crowd of unarmed civilians, and an armed conflict erupted. The same day demonstrators toppled the statue of Stalin in Budapest, and the conflict soon spread to other Hungarian cities.

The next day Soviet tanks appeared on the streets of Budapest, although at several points in the capital, the revolutionaries managed to halt their advance. However, it was only several days before the Soviet army invaded, crushing the revolution in early November after a series of vicious street battles in Budapest. Imre Nagy and the leaders of the revolution were lured into a trap and arrested, and as a result of the invasion over two thousand lost their lives, more than ten thousand were wounded and around , Hungarians fled as refugees.

As an act of revenge, several hundred revolutionaries were executed by the Soviets, and mass arrests continued for months afterwards. Public discussion about the revolution was suppressed until the fall of communism, and only in did the process of rehabilitating victims began. At the same time the revolution was a milestone in the campaign to topple Soviet power, since along with the Prague Spring in and Solidarity movement in Poland in the s, it led to the end of communism in Europe.

Unemployment in Cracow was a socio-economic problem which the city was facing throughout the Second Republic. The great crisis, whose consequences began to be felt in Cracow in the early s, only made the phenomenon more acute and visible. This article offers a broad analysis of the issue in the context of the great crisis and the inter-war period. The discussion covers factors conditioning unemployment in Cracow, its social consequences and attempts at counteracting them made by both the city authorities and Church-based organisations.

The general context matters here since focusing on the direct reasons for and consequences of the crisis in Cracow, one just cannot ignore the economic and social conditions in the city present long before the global and Polish economies collapsed. And so in this text I shall focus primarily on the consequences of the crisis in the context of the collapsing labour market and its repercussions, attempts at counteracting them as well as ways of managing them practised by the city authorities, Church-based organisations and society itself against a broad background of earlier socio-economic problems with which Cracow had wrestled since the very first days of its regained independence.

I will also briefly discuss the reasons why the crisis did not have a special place in the memory of local residents. These are the objectives of the article. Researchers claim increasingly often that poverty is not a state but a process, 2 and each process, as we learn from history books, is subject to changes in time and space.

The challenge then arises to correctly capture the factors responsible for initiating those changes and transformations. This is a very difficult task which sometimes requires advanced study covering remote times e. The biggest employer was industry — clothing, food, steelmaking and construction — accounting for Commerce and insurance employed 21, persons The passenger and cargo transport sector employed 5, Cracovians 5. Public service, the Church and religious organisations represented 8, persons 7.

Old-age pensioners and persons with disabilities were supported by the state, as were prisoners and residents of social care homes. As regards unemployment, the first task is to attempt to estimate the number of jobless in inter-war Cracow.

However, it is near impossible to give a precise number for at least two reasons. Secondly, the data from the PUPP often failed to reflect reality. In actual fact, the problem concerned the entire country. In reality, however, it just showed more precisely, while still not fully realistically, the scale of Polish unemployment of the time. In Cracow, the number of jobless did not stay the same throughout the inter-war period and was obviously influenced by a number of various factors.

Among them was the state of the Polish economy, a factor of key importance, but also one apparently trivial: the importance of the seasons of the year, due to which employment in certain sectors like construction was seasonal. At the moment when the above-mentioned Act came into force in the summer of , there were 2, persons registered as unemployed in Cracow. In March , there were 7, jobless persons; a year later, according to the census data, that number grew to as many as 9, A year later that average was 5,, while the estimates from the County Office stood at around 8, All those figures should be treated as approximations only, also given the increase in the number of Cracow residents from , in to around , in , that is through the inter-war period.

The biggest employers were industry and commerce, employing 33, and 21, persons, respectively; in percentage terms, according to the census, that was nearly half of those professionally active outside agriculture. The following sectors shed more than 20 per cent of the workforce: timber persons , steelmaking 1, , clothing 1, and food Also 2, white-collar workers were jobless.

The quoted numbers let us develop a general idea of the scale of the phenomenon. Its essence, however, boiled down to economic aspects which would sometimes relatively quickly affect the lives of the unemployed to such an extent that their daily existence turned out to be a major challenge and piled a whole range of difficult problems before them.

Creeping poverty entering the homes of the jobless, which needed to be kept and paid for somehow, and the lives of their families, which had to be fed, at times triggered such behaviours as stealing or begging. Due to acute poverty, the subsistence of families would sometimes depend on young girls opting to sell their own bodies in the streets of Cracow or pushed out to the street by the parents or siblings against their own will.

Most frequently, however, the jobless did what they could to weather the crisis with dignity, counting on assistance from the city and state authorities. Such aid was also provided by Church-based organisations, various charity and care institutions, or a legion of good-willed people who were not indifferent to the fate of those without employment. We do not know the situation in the Jewish community of over 46, back then.

The poorest could rely on monthly financial benefits. For example, already when the economy picked up in such assistance was received by Jewish beggars. One should be under no illusion, however, that the other Cracow residents lived comfortably and in luxury. On 18 July , the aforementioned Act was adopted on social assurance in the case of unemployment.

Those entitled to benefit included persons who had lost a job and registered the fact at the PUPP within a month, and had worked for at least 20 weeks in the year preceding the job loss. The Act also provided for setting up Unemployment Funds to manage the monies to be paid out as benefits. For example, out of around 3, unemployed persons registered at the PUPP at the end of , the benefits were paid out to just half and they were a mere drop in the ocean of the needs of the unemployed.

Worse still, the Act completely ignored white-collar workers, which they received with an angry uproar. The living conditions of the unemployed receiving benefits improved as compared with those who failed to meet the registration requirements. The hardship of the jobless was exploited by many Cracovian crooks, particularly at the time of the great crisis of the s. Job seekers were supposed to pay 2.

It was not long before it became obvious that the whole project was a sham created and managed by professional tricksters, but the Cracow police soon managed to apprehend them. In the period discussed here, extensive charity work — which started even before the outbreak of the First World War under the supervision of Bishop and from onwards Archbishop Adam Sapieha — was done by the Catholic Church.

The Union collected and distributed cash benefits, food, clothes, medicines, etc. It also organised summer camps for poor children and took care of old and ill persons as well as orphans. The Committee focused, above all, on helping orphans, yet it did not neglect unemployment-related problems. For instance, the AKR tried to organise as many free-of-charge and cheap canteens for the unemployed as possible.

Incidentally, canteens and kitchens were the basic form of assistance offered to the jobless by both Churchbased organisations and the city authorities. In alone, the kitchen run by Ladies of Charity of St Vincent de Paul gave out , meals to poor adults and , to children. Tomasza Street. In November , the city, too, launched two budget canteens for whitecollar workers which gave out 1, lunches daily.

The need to offer cheap or free meals was also addressed by the Municipal Committee for Combating the Consequences of Unemployment Miejski Komitet do Walki ze Skutkami Bezrobocia; hereinafter, MKB , established in as a response of the Cracow city authorities to the crisis and its local consequences.

Humiliated and discouraged from accepting such a form of assistance by unpleasant experiences, the unemployed occasionally turned to theft and robbery as a means to provide for themselves and their families. Between September and June , the MKB collected over , zloty sourced from various contributions, collections and the tram ticket tax. Interestingly, it was as early as that the Townhall started to interfere in ticket or electricity prices in order to collect more funding for combating unemployment.

As many as 6, unemployed people approached the MKB for assistance and they were subject to special verification so as to ensure that the support would go to those who needed it most. As a result 1, single persons received assistance as well as 3, families, i. More than , lunches were given out, food vouchers worth , zloty were offered to unemployed persons, around — were employed on various public works, also children of unemployed parents were taken care of.

It seems that all this could not have happened without the generous approach of fellow Cracovians. Appeals to support the MKB and Church-based organisations reverberated throughout the city. Help came from industrialists, 60 office workers, 61 labourers, 62 artisans, 63 tradesmen, 64 physicians, 65 tram drivers, 66 and scouts.

Although there had been some squabbles and misunderstandings between the Townhall and the archbishop in the past, now, in the face of the progressive economic downturn and raging unemployment, it was clear that all hands were needed to work for the improvement of the living conditions of the poor and unemployed. The Church, in turn, was doing some things for the City as regards helping the needy.

Still, poor residents of Cracow liked best the hospital operating under the auspices of the aforementioned Ladies of Charity of St Vincent de Paul in Lea Street. It is often thought that such establishments offer poor conditions. Was this really the case? Thursday: breakfast — ham, borsch or tea; lunch — chicken broth with dough, roasted veal with cream, potatoes and beetroots; dessert — fruit cake — stewed apple beverage; dinner — schnitzel, cucumbers, potatoes or apple pie, cauliflower;.

Friday: breakfast — cheese, borsch or tea; lunch — mushroom soup and fried fish, red cabbage, potatoes; dessert — sweet sponge-cake dish with sweet cream sauce, stewed apple beverage; dinner — dumplings with plum filling with sour whipped cream.

No comment seems necessary; let us just remember that the menu is not from a restaurant but a kitchen in a hospital for the poor. While the MKB was doing its charity work, the voivodeship authorities began to combat unemployment too, and in numerous letters sent to the institutions they controlled called on officials to pay voluntary taxes to benefit the Committees fighting the consequences of unemployment, both at the county and municipal levels.

The scenario was similar in the case of special stamps that officials offered to their clients who wanted to attend to some administrative business at a given institution. The proceeds from the stamp sale were also supposed to support the Committees.

By April , that is when the collection ended, the MKB coffers received 4, zloty. Another type of assistance for the unemployed different from cash contributions were in-kind donations offered by both the city authorities and Church-based organisations. Most typically, the donations included such products as bread, lard, groats, rice, flour, fat, beans, soap, clothes, underwear, fuel, etc.

When they voiced their concern, a notice was put up in the canteen saying that the zinc white received might be exchanged for flour. Nonetheless, the donations had a significant impact on the material standing of the needy and, which I find of particular importance, their morale.

For its part, the AKR distributed not just in-kind donations. For example, in late Christian residents of Cracow were offered vouchers worth 0. If that was the case, they received a hot meal free of charge. In total, over the nine weeks when the kitchen operated, more than 2, persons ate there.

As many as , lunches were given out, including 65, free of charge. As much as they could, the local authorities also made efforts to offer jobs to the unemployed. There was pressure exerted on entrepreneurs to take on new staff, if only on a part-time basis. Unfortunately, the jobless often did not enjoy their posts for long as some companies were forced to cut jobs just a few months after employing new staff.

The jobless could also count on various training programmes helping them improve their qualifications or acquire new ones. Consequently, the labour market prospects became much better for those people, as with additional skills they were more attractive for employers.

Above all, however, the unemployed were posted to public works, a popular practice throughout the inter-war period. In , as many as jobless persons were employed, including in road construction and repair and in sewer building; also persons doing the earthwork on the Mound of Krakus. As late as in early , the MKPZB employed around jobless persons and, weather permitting, their number rose, including women, who were usually employed to do the gardening in the Krakowski Park, Henryk Jordan Park, or along Mickiewicz Avenue.

At the same time the Townhall, sometimes in conjunction with the voivodship authorities, called on the Polish government to provide considerable funding for that purpose 98 or to offer appropriate loans. Just in alone, the expenditure for public works amounted to , Thanks to the charges collected on top of the electricity bills and tram tickets, a sum of , Analysing the prices back then, one can see that for such a daily sum, a worker could buy, for instance, a loaf of wheat bread 0.

With time, particularly in the s when due to the crisis the number of unemployed was growing, less was paid for their public work. In , blue-collar workers received 2. As many as came on the opening day although only a half was needed. A selection had to be made, ending in a bitter dispute between the chosen and rejected ones. Sometimes, however, it would turn out that despite their hardship the jobless were not that desperate to take any given post. More precisely: they were not ready to work far from home.

Still in the s, workers would keenly travel to Upper Silesia to work in mines and steelworks or to France to do some seasonal work. With time, however, some of the unemployed preferred to work in the city of Cracow or as close to it as possible. Such an attitude was not appreciated by the authorities. In May , workers were sought to construct the Zakopane-Cracow road and regulate the Vistula river near Sandomierz. Around persons were needed in total.

Those with families were to be paid 2. Still, no-one reported for work. To summarise briefly the considerations presented above, one must say that — contrary to what is sometimes thought — the unemployed residents of Cracow usually were not left to their own devices unaided, and that throughout the inter-war period. As I have shown, the great crisis that hit the city in the early s did not mark any breakthrough in the policies pursued by the local authorities and Church-based organisations as regards support offered to the jobless and the poorest.

One could even risk saying that with their rich — as I intended to show in this text — experience in mobilising such support they were still ready to do more, as it was necessary in the face of an economic downturn induced by the crisis. Consequently, the range of assistance offered by the Townhall, the Catholic Church, and Jewish associations was relatively impressive, although, given the realities of Cracow back then, far insufficient. After all, not all unemployed residents were able to cope not just with the conditions in which they had to subsist, sometimes from one day to the next, but also with their own weaknesses which in times of hardship tend to haunt one with doubled force.

Literature on the great economic crisis — its root causes, course and consequences both in the field of economy and society — is very rich. However, not much attention is paid to the issue of remembering the crisis. This is not surprising: after all the matter at hand is highly complicated. The same is true for Cracow itself. In the case of Cracow, as I have shown in my considerations presented above, the crisis did not leave a wasteland in its wake as was the case in some other parts of Poland, partly due to the fact that the city was poorly industrialised.

Coupled with the fact that Cracow had known unemployment, poverty and social exclusion — permanently, although more or less acutely felt — since the end of the Great War, this helps to understand why the crisis of the late s and the early s was seen as just another economic slump. It was not a collapse to mark a divide between the times of prosperity and a great recession. Additionally, the intensified efforts on the part of the city authorities and Church-based organisations described here reduced those negative consequences.

Yet another aspect is the perspective of Cracow residents on what was happening around them. It must be remembered that in the first years of the inter-war period Cracovians compared their situation not with the global conflict that had just ended but with the pre-war times, which in their recollections were much better than their contemporary realities.

That first post-war period, a time of high prices and shortage of provisions, was some sort of a benchmark and a reference point in the successive years leading to the crisis. Fresh in the public memory are the impoverishment of broad strata of society, the atrophy of savings and healthy credit, and, in terms of ethics, the decline of morality. Because of all this, the memory, and today — since there are very few left who have direct experience of those times — just the post-memory the memory of the memory of the great crisis did or does not arouse much emotion.

It has become part of the general reflection on the weakness of the Polish economy in — and its consequences: unemployment and poverty. The obvious focus here is on Cracow. The end of the crisis, or its actual delineation, is still a difficult notion as chronologically it was close to the outbreak of the Second World War.

The war, in turn, and then its repercussions, forced a completely different perspective on how Cracow residents and others see the Second Polish Republic and its economic and social problems. The great crisis became part of the background. Krzysztof Kloc. O dawnej i obecnej biedzie w Polsce Warsaw, , p.

Mieszkania i gospodarstwa domowe. Stosunki zawodowe. XII r. Panek, Krakowskie organizacje charytatywne w latach — , Cracow , p. In the late s, money was paid out in alphabetical order: for instance, on Monday to the unemployed persons whose family names started with letters A-J, on Tuesday — K-P, and on Wednesday to all the rest.

The protest soon developed into violent clashes of the workers with the police and armed forces, and were brutally suppressed, with 3 officers, 11 privates, 18 workers and civilians dead, and a total of nearly persons injured. Rozprawy i studia Cracow, , p. This article has been published in the fourth issue of Remembrance and Solidarity Studies dedicated to the memory of economic crisis.

The present paper draws on the opinion that reality is only a construct. The relativistic theory of truth displaces the classical Aristotelian one. It notes the undepictability of the world and actual inexpressibility. Instead of problematization — simultaneity and multi-layered structure, which try to be a counterpart, a representative but not an exponent cf. A turn — of sonoristic provenance — from the civilizationally formed discourses towards the analysis of the tool itself language and film language as possibly the most non-abstract object of study.

The current paper takes as its starting point the question — already present in literary studies — about the purpose of the history of literature as an oppressive attempt to build, under the cover of objectivism, a dominating narration and hierarchy. The paper has been implemented for a monographic issue of a historical magazine; an issue devoted to economic crises.

It poses also a preliminary question about the ontological possibility of isolating types of crises and remembering them in an agreed objective and subjective way; and also about the possibility of reflecting them in contemporary art, in comparison with works from earlier turning points in history.

Always proclaimed in the interest of someone, either designedly or undesignedly. My history, your history, constitutively unobjective. A story, a narrative. The latter notion appears most often in the context of objects of ART.

It is a point of view. It is oppression. There is no unified history, there is only a struggle of multiple histories, a fight of narratives. And a fight of historical policies, which have even less in common with the unattainable ideal of objectivism. A permanent inability to agree, a battlefield. A battle in which individuals and collectivities take part.

Its identification took place too late and is still rejected by many. An expectation that art would offer a reflection of what was taking place in real life. A reflection or a distortion, if you will e. But in the meantime a complete change of circumstances rebus sic stantibus took place in Poland in the world it began at least in the s , and because of it the object of the expectations was inapplicable to what could be accepted as a proper answer.

The object of these expectations, referring to the past and not to the future, is the longing for a great novel about a turning point, like War and Peace by Leo Tolstoy or The Doll by Boleslaw Prus although it was written despite and beyond the expectations of its times and offered a new approach to the topic. The expectations were quite high: to relate and to provide a diagnosis: somewhat predictable but surprising at the same time. There appeared — too late — works of the same type content but not as great as The Doll , however they did not evoke such resonance.

I will not mention them here because this paper is not a polemic within literary studies as such — it does not aim to analyse and change the hierarchies, nor to study what constitutes a masterpiece etc. It seems that a desired narrative about a turning point in history should also be a turning point in the way of thinking. Thus expectiation should be an open formula, and not a written content.

Whereas those to whom it seemed a good word to be addressed, did not have such an expectation at all. On its account one must assume that. It was indeed a novelty as far as Polish literature is concerned. Its determinants were and still are widely available not to say dominant in world literature. Let us name and enumerate them:.

A novel about the language which is self-reflexive, and non-referential. Reality if it exists at all cannot be described. One may also mention the related category of inexpressibility. But not their meaning. The turn to experience is allegedly another hastily announced turning point in the humanities. However, in my personal opinion, it seems to be stable or perhaps more stable and this opinion is based on strong foundations which are material at last and not abstract — non-existent.

Experience understood as a bundle of experiences of a changeable subject, a bundle which is variable in time, is something that is most real, objective from the comparative point of view. In the shape and sound of words. They are a derivative of oppression, or a way to gain, keep and spread power. Furthermore, abuse of another kind is possible.

But to distinguish them from each other, the prose work but not a novel of this title might be referred to as a work about language while the film a feature film? I understand crisis intuitively as a turning point, a time of verification or perfection of a previous system, or one of the ways of bringing another system into existence. At the root of the turning point there was — among other factors — an economic crisis: the failure of the previous model based on central planning, full employment and primacy of public ownership, which was co-dependent and simultaneous with limited independence and a shortage of democracy.

The Round Table, the most obvious result of which was the election, referred to as contract election, brought about a much more important change: an economic transformation, the result of which or perhaps its tool, cf. What did the process of changing ownership relations and shaping or re-shaping the elite look like?

What are their advantages and disadvantages? Both works, the book and the film, are of implicit character — they do not participate in the dispute at a high level of literality. The relationship between awareness and economy, partly complying with what Marx said, may be both symmetrical and asymmetrical. Let me return to the inadequate but incidentally useful abuse related to thematization.

Economy and its crises may either be its catalyst, its result, whether minimal or decisive, or may be happening beside it. However, in order to meet the theme of the monographic issue, I will emphasize them, presenting both their interaction and independence, decorativeness. The book While one group of readers waited for a novel dealing with the turning point in history, it seems and this is a good word to have been written for another group of readers who appeared and will appear after it had been written but also were created as a result of its having been written.

But in the end it also becomes its victim. Both a proposition and its opposition. As Ferdinand de Saussure already observed, language is self-reflexive and refers to itself. The language itself should be deconstructed, and expose its inherent contradictions and hidden ideological presumptions.

Instead of analyzing what is openly expressed with language, one should analyze what is happening on the hidden plane. Any social system is rickety: it is enough to analyze, say, its linguistic foundations. According to the dominant narrative, the year in Poland is perceived as a great victory in which not a single shot was fired, a model to be imitated by other nations, the beginning of the Autumn of Nations.

The author does not argue with this view, nor does she claim the opposite. She proves implicitly that neither of these theses is absolute, both are simplifications, Misrepresentations. They wage the eponymous Polish-Russki war under the white-and-red flag, which means precisely that under the same banner they wage a war with themselves and with one another 19 , 20 their past and their habits.

They are ambivalent: attraction is at the same time repulsion. He lives in a detached house which was built in the age of Gierek 21 and which is surrounded besieged by blocks of flats of prefabricated concrete.

His loneliness is also visible in the largest crowd scene, during a fair. Humbled by being dumped by Magda, he tries to introduce his own order, seize power over everybody in order to win his girlfriend back. He fights against the other participants of the fair who approve of the hierarchy headed by Robert Sztorm, the sponsor of the beauty contest which Magda is expected to win.

Nails, probably the son of small business owners who began to grow rich in the s, loses to a model of a businessman which appeared a decade later. The interior decor reminds one about the shift from the old to the new. Wood paneling, unit furniture used as a wall to divide a room, a synthetic blanket with a pattern made to resemble the coat colour of a tiger a substitute of tiger skin, the aesthetics of a fake , clothes, particularly those of older people. The Polish Fiat The chav subculture of that time.

The aesthetics of the black BMW. The s Polish rock music playing in the background and the obligatory discopolo 23 at the fest. Not a metaphysical one as someone might expect. A housing estate of detached houses built by a developer, with a very dense neighborhood of equally luxurious, identical houses. In other words, a goal pursued by many Poles in the first decade of the 21st century and nowadays. Deconstruction takes place,the certainty is unmasked as something extremely conventional, but also oppressive to the individual and only beneficial to the system.

In the book: this deconstruction is achieved by means of language, which has been discussed. In these circumstances I have to write everything in this machine. The walls of the police station turn out to be made of cardboard, to be conventional. Is this what this city is built of? I am a trained dog. The following may be meaningful: the place that seemed to be a police station proves to be the backroom of a school coalescence of the place where norms are passed and the first normative socialization occurs with the place where obedience to these norms is controlled.

Everything is a matter of convention. He decides to kill himself. Or he assumes that the wall which he about to hit with his head is fictitious, just like the police station in which he was held. But this second confrontation proves to be fatal. He lands in the props department of a film set, where various clothes are hanging they may be perceived as clothes, as disguises, as social roles one must assume for this or that occasion. The problem of narratives and their self-interested nature is emphasized in the film too.

If not, tough luck! It will hurt Difficult to bear because of their aspirations, both great and one-sided, which result from the sudden coming of capitalism, a world of advertisements, which creates artificial desires and replaces natural needs.

An irrational hunger which cannot be quenched, fueled by the information presented by the media, and later also fueled by the people who have accepted it as their own. It seems that there is also a real insufficiency. The breaking of the former social bonds, which have not been replaced with new ones based on new rules. This results from unemployment, economic recession due to a change in the markets as well as the geopolitics of trade and modes of exchange and inadequacy of educational curricula for the new requirements.

The decline of the center understood as a shared set of values and the center of administration i. The insufficiency is planned in the new system, too. Shortage of goods and poor organization of work are replaced by shortage of free time, theft of time, an imperative to pursue a career, and the will to have full control of the employee. And in spite of such work, it is still impossible to satisfy the desires created by the system. Just like before, the system serves itself and the individual is persecuted.

The individual is trying to climb the social ladder, take a higher place, but by acting according to the methods of the system the imperative to acquire more wealth by hook or by crook and within its logic money as the most important value they simply justify the system. What changes is only the type of hierarchy.

It is impossible to make a thorough comparison of the two. The idiomacy within conventional genres aside, they also represent genres which are absolutely dissimilar. Both works are built on the escape from thematization. The crisis which was mentioned above is a background in each of them, its secondary status emphasized continuously.

Comparison e. The less about it, the better. The concept of adaptation does not provide a connection between them either. Speckled with references which dominate the original content and begin to modify it. Built on linguistic and cultural calques, which are often distorted by the plot, the chronology, the causeand- effect relations; the structure — e. Both the book and the film are built from loosely shuffled cards of scenes.

Reconstruction according to chronology is possible, but it would have an unfavorable impact on the whole the pretextual plot is purposefully weak, though it contains a few mysteries. The main character was played by Borys Szyc who at that time had reached the height of his fame. He appears in every scene, which makes the film more consistent. It seems that the female characters are more distinct in the film than in the book. Screenplays are usually written in a less subtle way.

Screenwriters were also looking for stereotypes which were hidden in the nuanced book to build the visible plot on. And beneath it there is a frantic interplay of meanings.. Perhaps it was the desire to find support in a convention, the need for a clear conclusion, that gave the film its ending not present in the book , i.

Short snapshots are more meaningful, like in a music video. The promotion campaign is another matter: it attempted to present Wojna polsko-ruska as a film for everyone, which deals with seemingly simple issues. One would have to exhibit maximum incompetence to interpret it in this way.

However, while the early readers of the book were young, they belonged to the elite. Further search for such comparisons would be a tautology. They do not lead to any new conclusions. These are to be sought elsewhere. One may of course give more examples in the field of economics, but this will not change the general view, i. This also would be tautological. But the protagonists — and this is also important — are not aware of it.

They vacillate, they are unhappy, but it is difficult for them to find the real psychological, social, and economic causes of their state. Their subjective crisis is a result of the fact that they mainly see the economic crisis. And they reduce their actions to money. In this way coming out of the real crisis becomes impossible for them. This crisis may be termed the base one. Perhaps this statement refers also to all the crises, erroneously defined as economic ones, including the current one.

Except that one should be careful in drawing such a general conclusion, because as a generalization it goes against the two works discussed. However, let us come back to the characters in Wojna polsko-ruska. Their actions are harmless and inefficient, and despite their polemic nature, they only serve to confirm the order of things. One example is the attempt to wangle money from Robert Sztorm, the producer of amusement parks, king of sand.

Or the ability to stand at the side oversight. His girlfriend Magda, not mature enough for a relationship, would prefer someone more influential who could help her build her modeling career the union of power and libido which was mentioned before. Thus Nails must find a substitute. This also seems to be a sign of the times. A world in crisis has turned upside down.

Starting a family is has gone out of fashion. What counts more is autonomous sex which is alienated from family life. Not to mention the economic and social impediments which await a young married couple. As I keep emphasizing the economic aspect, I realize more and more how difficult it is to speak about the economic crisis alone and leave out the social crisis or the crisis of world perception; and how difficult it is to delimit when a crisis ceases to be economical in nature.

And which crisis was caused by which. Perhaps it is easier to make such a distinction in a historical paper, but not in an anthropological one. It is becoming more and more obvious that a division of the world into disciplines is arbitrary and that holism is the alternative and that the cognitive apparatus is constructed on an ad hoc basis for the sake of a single statement. It seems that in the narratives written following the decline of realism, 34 it is not the economic aspect that is assigned the decisive role.

Psychology, the need for participation, the problem of responsibility are more important. The organization of social and economic life is only one of the aspects, or it is left out. In the background there is the question — one which is recurrent in the public debate — about the actual primacy of economy over other spheres of life or life in general, and the question about the paradigm of growth in economics itself. The differentiation between wealth and welfare.

It seems to be more adequate to speak about a crisis in general, economy being only one of its aspects. A crisis that affects us, to which sometimes war becomes a response. PhD student at the Jagiellonian University. Town councilor in Krowodrza, 5th quarter of Cracow. It is contrasted with subjective memory, which is close to interpretation, a carrier of meaning but only individual meaning.

It might change in time through re-interpretation of events and change of importance ascribed to them. I recommend e. In this paper the author takes as a starting point the classic definition of epistemic truth by Thomas Aquinas and in the course of reasoning contrasts it with successive contructivist definitions.

His paper has a practical bent. The author uses real-life examples to prove that truth is a construct, and memory not so much refers to the past as is subject to transformations for the benefit of the present and the future, in order to guarantee that the new actuality agrees with the interpretation of the past.

And thus the author gives an example of a product tester whose memory changes, so that it is more consistent with the information gained later from a commercial the memory of an unsavory juice changes into a memory of a savory juice under the influence of an attractive commercial broadcast sometime after he had drunk the juice. The author speaks about the paradox of the development of science, which does not expand our knowledge of reality, but only produces a new image of reality, again and again p.

Surprising conclusions may be drawn from the examination of the opposite, i. The author contrasts curves of forgetting, the gestalt theory of forgetting the hypothesis of memory trace , and interferential concepts of forgetting replacement of material by one of similar kind with possibilities not so much of forgetting repressing as a gradual, partial or complete loss of access to the remembered data.

Retrieval cues offer a possibility to re-gain access, if an appropriate stimulus of appropriate intensity is created. Falkowski speaks about memory as a totally personal domain in which once this, once that information takes the most important place cf. He disagrees with the idea of repressing information, and substitutes it with the hypothesis of a gradable loss of access. There exists a possibility of restoring access if an appropriate stimulus with an appropriate intensity is created.

He points to phenomena, familiar to Western intellectual thought, such as the imagination inflation and backward framing, i. This paper may lead to the conclusion that perception and interpretation will always be instrumental in nature. Because of the more liberal organiza- tion of society, and also because English precursors were more often scientists than civil servants, English statisticians looked beyond the administrative registers to make inferences about unobserved data.

The method extrapolates the total population on the basis of a few limited censuses in some counties plus administrative registers related to births. The co-existence of the German and English approaches helps identifying a point of tension in official statistics: is exhaustiveness important? To put it another way, is an average truly represen- tative?

For example, the German approach to statistics 4. Needless to say, our presentation omits many details since some influential authors on political arithmetic, such as William Petty, favored a more holistic approach and exhaustive censuses. However, it is fair to say that the probabilistic approach to official statistics first arose in England in the context of political arithmetic. On the other hand, statisticians tend to prefer the design of sampling where they can use their scientific training unless they become managers and set about reducing operating costs.

The importance of taxonomy for the history of trade statistics A second legacy, more specific to the German school trans- lating the various specificities of a territory into descriptive numbers , is the quest for representative classifications and nomenclatures. It is perhaps not surprising that one of the main contributors to taxonomy was the seventeenth-century German mathematician and philosopher, Gottfried Leibniz. His aim was to define a universal coding structure able to express various concepts.

Modern statisticians are still busy today developing and adapting classifications, and it is an important issue if trade statis- tics are to be internationally comparable. This has been a crucial area in the history of trade statistics. Much of the action in the history of trade statistics is linked to the history of tariff nomenclatures, as the data collection aspect of these administrative registers has not changed much until recently even if, as we shall see, things are now changing rapidly.

From an international perspective, the first serious attempts to harmonize tariff classifications internationally date back to the mid-nine- teenth century. Harmonization was both a scientific and an economic objective.

Using common standards and classifications facilitates the crossing of borders. The following timeline details the main steps in the evolving measurement and classification of world trade statistics Asakura, ; Nakagawa After World War I, the League of Nations made efforts to reduce customs duties and tariff barriers; in the process, the period marked the opening of the age of international cooperation with respect to customs and tariffs statistics.

Most — if not all — of the procedures were aimed at standardizing the statistical dimension of the administrative registers collected by participating countries as well as facilitating trade between nations. The expan- sion of its usage was stopped by the breakout of World War II. It also developed a definition of values for customs valuation. In , the BTN was revised following a review of its method of classification and methodology. It became effective in January Today, custom statistics are compiled according to the version of the Harmonized System HS.

The Harmonized System is administered by the World Customs Organization and is updated approximately every five years. Trade in service statistics The history of trade in services statistics is quite different from the history of trade in goods statistics, as governments do not collect taxes on services trade. Taxes being the best friends of offi- cial statisticians, the quality and coverage of these statistics on services are much poorer.

The compilation of trade in services is closely related to the Balance of Payments manual edited by the International Monetary Fund. The earliest coordinated attempt at unifying the statistical methodology is found in the first edition of the Balance of Payments Manual in January This effort was a continuation of the work by the League of Nations to develop guidelines for balance of payments statistics. Today, the Manual is in its sixth revision, in parallel with the updating of the System of National Accounts in They traditionally cover three broad categories: Transport closely related to trade in goods , travel of persons and others business statistics, etc.

With the signature of the Uruguay Round and the General Agreement on Trade in Services GATS that was applied from on, trade negotiators have required more detailed information on trade in commercial services. Most of these efforts may appear obsolete when one realizes that the nature of international trade has changed dramatically since the mercantilist era.

In the pre-globalized world, it was diffi- cult to separate production and consumption across space because of poor transportation technology. Most trade took place on village market squares, putting the producer and the consumer in direct relationship. Only the most precious items were traded internationally.

The Industrial Revolution and the invention of the steam engine broke the overwhelming unity of space between production and consumption. By reducing transportation costs in time and money, railways and steamers promoted the mass consumption of goods produced far away.

But most of what was exported by a given country was actually produced in that same country, or at least made from imported primary goods. In fact, the Industrial Revolution took root in countries that had coalmines and, to a lesser extent, iron ore to make the manufactured goods. Countries exported goods they themselves produced, sometimes with the input of certain primary goods imported from less devel- oped areas — often their own colonies.

Similarly, an English club importing Port wine for its members could be sure that it came from Portugal. Today, if Port wine is still of Portuguese origin, the concept of country of origin for manufactured goods has gradually become obsolete. Through outsourcing and offshoring, the geographical fragmentation of the various operations, from the design of the product to the manufacture of the components, assembly, and marketing have spread across the world, creating international production chains.

Trade in tasks is very much in tune with the idea of a smaller world, where traditional boundaries and distances are collapsing and human societies interact as closely across oceans as they did among villages in the Middle Ages. Economi- cally speaking it becomes meaningful to split these flows into intermediates — goods that are further used in the production process — and goods for final consumption.

The specific contribution made by each country participating in the chain has to be identified in order to avoid double counting and properly identify the origin of the value-added. To take a famous example of a globally manufactured good, if we want to assign to each country of origin the value-added imbedded in an iPad imported by the U.

Interestingly enough, national statisticians alone cannot compute these statistics as they need information from other trade partners. Trade in value-added is truly global. In this process, the traditional distinction between goods and services has become increasingly blurred. The approach favored by international statisticians up to now but this is a very young field of work and things may change rapidly makes use of existing trade and national accounts data see Daudin et al.

Those results capture the main effects of global manufacturing in the twenty-first century. They redistribute the relative weights of goods and services and of bilateral trade imbalances. Trade in value-added also helps in apprehending the direct and indirect impacts of tariff policy on the effective rate of protection received by industrial sectors and the additional costs borne by services.

The existing indicators on trade in value-added still suffer from serious shortcomings. While they provide very valuable informa- tion about the relationship between international trade and economic development, available databases developed on official data still need to be extended in order to cover all developing and least developed countries.

This simplification opens the way for the inclusion of more coun- tries and more frequent updating of the official datasets. Furthermore, for trade analysts used to working at the very detailed levels of the Harmonized System HS6 digit or more when analyzing the impact of tariff and non-tariff measures, trade in value-added information is still excessively aggregated. This is especially important as the new theoretical models of international trade place great emphasis on the heterogeneity of firms Escaith, Firms that are active on the international market are often larger and technologically more advanced than firms producing for domestic use only.

In addition, exporting firms tend to make more intensive use of imported inputs, especially in developing countries. All those characteristics have important implications and may lead to substantial aggregation bias if ignored. One could either try to disaggregate as much as possible — which might run into decreasing returns to scale — or introduce a probabilistic approach to trade statistics, based on prior inferences.

Thanks to the excellent reception of the new datasets and the support received from the G in , the research program on global value-chains is now firmly rooted in the working program of international statistics. A recent initiative by the UN Statistical Commission to develop international recom- mendations for developing new indicators on International Trade and Economic Globalization based on the global value chain concept is a significant step forward in this direction.

Conclusion Trade statistics — the collecting of import and export data — is firmly and deeply rooted in the German tradition. Actually, for the mercantilists, trade was just another way of waging war, or, at least, financing the war effort. In many places, 6. For example, we know that exporting firms are usually large; moreover, most industrial surveys include some indicator of size number of employees, turnover, etc.

An a priori disaggregation of industrial surveys between exporting and non-exporting firms could be based on firm size. The first difficulty for the continuation of this tradition is the renewed interest in trade in services and trade in tasks. It is not clear whether the exhaustive approach can satisfy the curiosity of the researcher and the public on these issues. In addition, the way official statisticians interpret their social role is changing.

Since its inception and until very recently, official statistics was considered a function of the State in the service of the Prince. That can be seen in all the examples of trade statistics that are given in this special issue. In the second half of the twentieth century, and more specifically in the s, official statistics came to be viewed as a public good for the benefit of all citizens.

Today, there is an increasing need to serve different users and adapt production to their needs. Trans- parency has both political and technical dimensions; the technical dimension is easily dealt with through best practices and interna- tional quality frameworks accepted by all professionals, but impeccable quality does not always solve the political issue of trust and mis perceptions.

The increasing demand for micro data reflecting the diversity of civil society, sends us back — after two centuries — to the old controversy of unrepresentative averages. Eighteenth-century trade statistics were incomplete and of poor quality. The exhaustive, German tradition cannot be used to inter- pret them.

Historians, like modern day statisticians, have to be more like the English pioneers and look at all the contextual data that can be used to extrapolate the partial statistical information available and to understand the bigger picture. They must also be sensitive to the issues of transparency so that their work can be useful to the whole research community and even to the wider public.

This idea is present from Montesquieu to Mill on the liberal side, and was also expressed by Kant in his late eighteenth-century essay On Perpetual Peace in which he argued that commerce is incompatible with war. On the development of this idea, see Hirshman Bibliography Asakura H. Daudin, G. Devlin, K. Escaith, H. Hacking I. Hirshman A. Jara A. Nakagawa J. Porter, T. Rohrbasser, J. While conceiving the data-base structure, we aimed at preserving data as close as possible to the way they appear in the sources — spelling and languages included — but also at developing a series of tools to handle the mass of data stored in the database.

This paper deals with the way we processed cargoes and explains the three possibilities we offer to users. First, they can query a field containing a standardized English translation of cargo items. Secondly, they can create their own categories of classification in a on-the-way coding field, according to the specific needs of their research. Finally, they can query a permanent coding which provides, though a codified string of characters, infor- mation on the raw material, elaboration process and use of the product.

Keywords: eighteenth century, navigation statistics, Europe, economic history, commodity classification, data- base, standardization. The database was designed to allow the integration and preservation of existing databases created by individual researchers and the collection of new information. For instance, we provide ships and captains with an identifier, so that it is possible to track them easily through different sources. Finally, we developed a series of tools to handle the mass of data stored in the database.

Navigocorpus at present October contains information on over 75, ship voyages in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Creating the database has been a challenge for two main reasons: first, contrary to most database projects, Navigocorpus was not conceived or structured to answer a specific research question or set of questions. We were therefore obliged to keep the structure as flexible as possible so that researchers might easily retrieve and 1.

Werner Scheltjens worked on this program as a post-doctoral fellow from to Dealing with commodities in Navigocorpus: Offering tools and flexibility 55 handle the data they need for their specific research goals. Second, Navigocorpus is an open database in which new data can be added at any moment.

In order to go beyond the simple digitalization of sources and to make their content manageable to researchers, we had to develop fields and tools for selecting and handling data according to their needs. We believe that some of the solutions we adopted might be useful to other research projects facing similar issues.

This paper deals specifically with the way we processed cargoes. Colleagues dealing with merchant accounts or balances of trade statistics face the same challenge as maritime historians: how should they best make hundreds of different terms manageable? Navigocorpus provides researchers with a considerable amount of data on cargoes and the circulation of products in time and space.

At the moment, the database contains 98, records, written with 5, different spellings, related to commodities. We present here the general features of the database and the choices we made in order to process cargo-related data. Before going into detail about how we handled cargoes, it is useful to understand that Navigcorpus is structured around the points the ship touched during its journey.

A point is defined as a place which we geo-referenced through which a ship sailed, char- acterized by a date and an action entering, clearing, passing through, etc. The points are chronologically ordered and stored in a specific table. Information on the ship, captain, crew, cargoes, taxes, etc. Most sources we inserted into Navigocorpus provide some information on the cargoes.

We created a cargo-table in the data- base and inserted cargo items as individual records linked to the point to which information is related: a cargo entering the port of Marseille on a ship coming from Smyrna is linked to Marseille. We defined an item as a product stated by the source and expressed with the same unit of conditioning, weight or price.

The 57 bundles and bales of nankeens entering Bordeaux on 28 September on the ship Charlotte from Providence, for instance, generate two records in the cargo-table: nankeens, 57 bundles; and nankeens, bales. Figure 1. Example of cargo items on the Charlotte a. Database main layout cargo items on the right b. Cargo-table main layout In constructing the cargo-table, we adopted the terminology provided by the sources without trying to impose any standardized notion of commodity.

We believe that commodities do not exist as such and that they are the product of decisions taken by the actors: In international trade we define commodities as materials and arti- cles movable and procurable. Allen and J. Dealing with commodities in Navigocorpus: Offering tools and flexibility 57 Sources, however, are not always explicit enough for the needs of researchers. Depending on the goals authorities had when collecting data on ships and cargoes, information on cargoes are more or less exhaustive.

The lack of information introduces catego- ries of commodities which artificially overlap with other categories provided in other entries of the database. Differences can show up even within the same sources. The American consul in Bordeaux generally clearly distinguished the nature of the cod imported by incoming United States ships.

These two documentary units therefore provide three different commodities: cod, green codfish and dry codfish. A scholar interested in salt fish will have to decide whether he or she takes the unspecified cod into account. His or her specific knowledge will probably induce him or her to decide 4.

Peabody Essex Museum, Salem Mass. Elias H. Derby of said place. Other criteria will have to be taken into account to decide that the Sally probably had dry fish on board: the schooner arrived directly from Newfound- land, and the fact that she entered Bordeaux in December makes it likely that she had spent the summer on the shores to dry the fish.

But we cannot make decisions of this kind throughout the data- base, both for a practical reason — we do not have universal knowledge on all trades and commodities — and for a methodo- logical reason — we do not want to impose our categories on researchers. Classifying a whale as a mammal would be completely inadequate for the purpose, but might fit for someone working on the twenty-first century.

This on-the-way coding is fast and temporary but highly unstable, as it is related to specific research, to a specific context and to a personal classification. However, we did not want users to have to face the task of dealing with thousands of different cargo items on their own.

One of the most obvious problems in a database such as Navigocorpus comes from the variety of languages and spellings used in the sources to designate products. There was an evident need to help users wishing to locate an item whatever the language of the 6. On the areas of consumption of green and salt cod, see Atlas historique du Canada, vol. Dealing with commodities in Navigocorpus: Offering tools and flexibility 59 Figure 2. Looking for trade in anchovies, the user obviously wants to retrieve in one click information about acciughe, anchois and anchovies.

Navigocorpus handled this aspect by intro- ducing an additional field in which different spellings and languages are standardized in English. The user can query the data- base in any language used in Navigocorpus and access all the related corresponding languages, although the original source-based defi- nition of the item is preserved, so that it is, for instance, possible to correlate the use of a specific terminology to study institutionalized categories, linguistic aspects, or to point to differences among commodities that were self-evident for contemporaries but that we might overlook for instance, different terms to designate the same fish in the same port at the same time according to the treatment it underwent for preservation.

We also provided each entry of a standardized commodity with a numeric identifier. We therefore have maintained separate categories but also provided tools to users so they can save time while retrieving infor- mation from the database without having to query individually, one after the other, salt anchovies, salt cod, stockfish, etc. For that purpose, in order to control the instability of the data, we added a third level of codification through permanent coding. The latter is composed of a string of characters to univocally identify the commodity in question, whatever the name given by the sources.

This phase involves a most difficult task of standardization, which kept generations of economists, statisticians and customs officers busy in largely fruit- less efforts. The fact that we do not materially manage the product, as we are dependent on the partial descriptions given by the sources, made the task even more delicate. Moreover, we had to meet the very special and unpredictable needs of researchers, not the clear-cut requirements of an administration.

Practitioners agree that classifications of commodities rest on one of the following three criteria: the raw material; the elabora- tion process; or the most frequent use of the product. In the pencil-and- paper era, people who classified items had to choose one of these criteria and stick to it, making only slight and partial allowance for the other two when absolutely necessary to avoid making the result hopelessly unmanageable. Computers removed these constraints, as they can easily retrieve complex queries from complex character strings.

We therefore could adopt a multi- criteria classification. Our classification includes the three standard criteria based on material, elaboration and use Figure 3. Figure 3. Composition of permanent coding. The example of eighteenth-century white sugar imported from Saint-Domingue 7. Dealing with commodities in Navigocorpus: Offering tools and flexibility 61 The first part of the code provides information on the raw material; the second part provides additional information on the elaboration processes; the last part helps identify the use of the product.

The meaning of each coding constitutive unit letter depends on its position. The highly structured, context-dependent and modular nature of the coding sequence makes a correct interpretation by means of interpretative tables a relatively easy task see Appendix 1 for more details.

Such permanent coding responds to different needs. First, it sticks as closely as possible to an effective description of the product, taking into account every factor which might affect its insertion into economic, social and cultural contexts.

Third, we provide a grammar which can be expanded to cope with unexpected cases, as well as with partially documented ones: generic designations will be coded using the first positions only; more precise ones will use the same root and will be completed by extra characters.

Finally, the hierarchically ordered sequence of coding elements, fully in consonance with the way computers work, allows a natural grouping of commodities into classes. The elaboration of such codes requires complete knowledge of the products. It is therefore a considerably complex and time- consuming task for which scientific collaboration among research groups with different expertise would be very beneficial. At an early stage, operators could process the commodity, even when precisely described, by using the first, more generic part of the code.

In a later stage, they might add to the coding whenever extra information on elaboration processes, uses and raw materials made that possible. In all instances, full coding implies full research on products based on contemporary technical dictionaries, from 8. The last sequence, concerning use of the product, may change when coding a commodity designated by the same name depending on the social function it is supposed to fulfill in the context in which it appears: imported lemon juice to Marseille in the eighteenth century did not have the same use if in bottles for drinking or casks for industrial use , whereas it can be classified as a drug if delivered, for instance, to the Navy or to the East India Company.

The permanent coding obviously cannot be freely tampered with, but its use is optional: the on-the-way coding provides Navigocorpus users with the margin of liberty they need. Conclusion In handling commodities within Navigocorpus, we have tried to overcome constraints and methodological challenges. We wanted to preserve data as they appear in the sources, and we managed to do that.

We also wanted to do something more than providing users with an enormous amount of rough data, so we provided a standardized English translation of items. We invented a multi-criteria classification which users are free to use or not — knowing that at this stage we have not fully processed all cargo data we collected.

And through on-the-way coding we allowed for the greatest possible flexibility in adding classifications that users think proper according to their research goals. Dealing with commodities in Navigocorpus: Offering tools and flexibility 63 Appendix: Commodities permanent coding adopted by Navigocorpus The example of fish Each commodity is described by a permanent coding string of the form: xx-xxxxxx-xx-xxxxxx-xxxx Permanent coding is composed of three legs.

The first two are in turn composed of two parts. The first leg describes raw materials. The second describes the elaboration process. When the commodity is mere raw mate- rial, this second leg remains empty empty meaning a series of xxxxx. The third leg expresses the use generally made of the commodity human food, fodder, industrial process, etc.

Each position of the coding string must be materially filled with a letter, as positions are significant. Positions which should remain blank must therefore be filled with "x". Hyphens have no meaning: their func- tion is to make the string easier to read. Segments match meaning in the following way: -[1] [2] Material, basic product. Material - [3] [4] Elaboration process. Special description - [5] General use given to the commodity xx-xxxxxx-xx-xxxxxx-xxxx 1 2 3 4 5 Dictionary We present here extracts from the general dictionary for permanent coding we are presently elaborating.

To overcome these imperfections, a great number of estimates of Zollverein trade statistics have been published since but they are ques- tionable as well. Keywords: administrative history, nineteenth century, international trade statistics, Germany, globalization, eco- nomic history, Zollverein. G ermany is a very special case in the history of trade statistics.

For the eighteenth century there are virtually no contemporary trade statistics, as Pfister notices in this issue. The creation of a German customs union in led to the creation of a Central Bureau and to the 1. I would like to thank Markus Lampe for useful advices and Ulrich Pfister for very helpful comments. Pfister , in this issue. But this document is well known among German trade experts for its many shortcomings, particularly the absence of any information on price or the value of trade flows.

The purpose of this article is to make use of these publications to shed light on docu- ments that have been progressively abandoned by economic historians. The collection of trade statistics in the Zollverein The formation of the German Zollverein was a gradual process that took seven decades from the Prussian customs reform to the latest accession of Bremen and Hamburg in The Zollverein was officially established by the Zollverein treaties of that merged three German customs unions including twenty one German states in a common customs system.

After its imple- mentation in January 1, for a period of eight years tacitly renewable every twelve years, six other German states joined the union over the period. After the unification wars of and , six new territories integrated the Zollverein and the process ended in with the entry of Hamburg and Bremen.

But not all, see Lampe Trade statistics of the Zollverein, 69 but this objective has not resulted in the creation of truly federal institutions. In fact, the main federal organ of the Zollverein was the Generalkonferenz, an assembly of plenipotentiaries of the Zollverein governments which met once a year to discuss problems relating to the customs union. Decisions were taken unanimously. The other federal-like administration was the Central Bureau, which function was to calculate the distribution of custom reve- nues between the Zollverein members.

It must be stressed that, as a customs union, the Zollverein was not as integrated as the European Economic Community, which has established common institutions for implementing the common commercial policy. In the Zollverein, while Prussia played a leading role throughout the period, each member state retained jurisdiction over the adminis- tration of its customs, used its own customs officers at the external and internal borders of the union, and kept its own customs reve- nues fund.

To these end the Commerzialnachweisungen were elaborated as soon as to set up a common list of merchandises and a common way of collecting the information. A common instruction for the collection of data was communicated to the Ministry of Finance of each state in ; it was revised in The merchant had to declare the quantity and nature of the merchandise, not the value that was considered as too difficult for merchants and customs officials.

The 4. The following states joined the Zollverein: Baden and Nassau 1. Dates in brackets are those of the entry in the Zollverein. See Dedinger a. See Borries , ; Statistik des deutschen Reiches , vii-ix; Zimmermann , The data collected by each member of the Zollverein were checked by the other members.

They were next sent to and added up by the Central Bureau in Berlin. In fact the huge mass of data8 collected by the Central Bureau was not easily manageable, especially on the import side. Imports were divided into many categories that could not be added and could contain duplicates.

The categories are: imports for direct consumption, transit complicated system of certificates , ware- house goods not systematically registered in imports , trade with fairs, postal trade, processing trade, transit on short roads, Harz- Leine-Distrikt trade,9 and special tables for reduced tariffs trade with Switzerland, Austria and the Netherlands for example. On the other side, exports were registered under the three traditional main categories: goods coming from domestic production, transit, goods coming from warehouse postal trade not included.

The lack of interest in common trade statistics by the states of the Zollverein is also reflected by the fact that the publication of the Nachweisungen was not decided before The mass of infor- mation gathered by the Central Bureau was initially reserved for use by the governments and it was not meant to be made public.

This led to unofficial estimates of German trade10 that were criti- cized for their inaccuracy at the Generalkonferenz. It was then decided to publish the official documents. Borries , As Borries points out, there is no detailed study of the methods used by the Zollverein states to collect and check trade statistics. This Brunswick district cut through the Hanover territory.

From the inclusion of Brunswick to the annexation of Hanover , the Harz-Leine-Distrikt trade was subjected to tariffs lower than those of the Zollverein. See below section 3. Trade statistics of the Zollverein, 71 only a small part of all the information contained in the Commer- cialnachweisungen. According to the Journal des Economistes this document was incomplete, useless and unworthy of a government concerned with public information.

During thirty years, each report on the external trade of the Zollverein begins by highlighting the same drawback, the fact that customs official statements do not record the value of commodities. On the German side also statisticians lamented about the poor state of German trade statistics until the reform of This comment is cited in Junghanns , vii.

French consular reports had to rely on unofficial estimates. Junghanns , iii-viii. In his foreword, he is very critical of the work of the Central Bureau. Hirth was member of the Commission of reform of the statistics from to The documents are available and can be downloaded online. From to , there was no indication of value or price.

Until ed. From ed. It was now classified in three sections. Transit trade in the Zollverein and each German state by border country on entry and exit. Summary of trade; trade of small ports Ostsee, Nordsee, Prussian ports, Hanover, Oldenburg ; trade of fairs; tables of customs revenues.

Trade statistics of the Zollverein are said to be incomplete because they did not register duty-free goods. In particular, waste Bondi , , Borries , Kutz was concerned with German trade statistics before the creation of the Zollverein. Bondi , Prussian Centner kg before and Zoll Centner 50 kg after. Hirth , Trade statistics of the Zollverein, 73 products, products of horticulture, agriculture and livestock, hay, straw, fodder herbs, fresh herbs, fresh fruit, milk and eggs, tree seeds, fresh fish, bread, a large number of earth and ores, mill and other carved stones, firewood, and timber in land transport were excluded from trade statistics.

The categories for colonial and agricultural products provide an adequate degree of precision, but those for raw materials, semi-finished and finished goods are less disaggregated and mix products of different nature. The border approach was mostly used to register partner countries at that time. Statistik des Deutschen Reiches , x. According to his counting 85 there is an increase in the number of positions in where separate statistics were published for each semester.

Zimmermann , See Lampe , For the smaller share of sea trade through national ports that were not free ports, i. Prussian ports in the North and Baltic Sea, geographical distribution on origins and destinations was published since in separate tables, whose sums except for supposed transmission and printing errors matched the sum of trade reported in the main tables.

This is confirmed by the shift in German trade statistics between and Indeed, between and , a sharp increase in the share of non-continental countries United Kingdom, United States, Brazil, Chili and India occurred. Over more than a century there have been many attempts to reconstruct statistics of the Zollverein in value that are reviewed in the next section. Lampe , Dedinger b. Trade statistics of the Zollverein, 75 Table 1.

The estimates of the value of German trade in the nineteenth century Over the whole period from the foundation of the Zollverein to the unification of Germany, German statisticians produced esti- mates on the Zollverein trade. In the context of the European trade policy debate, when free trade was fiercely debated, the economic union of German states was not able to advance any synthetic figures to establish if it was invaded by foreign goods or vice versa.

See Junghanns b , He was a fervent free-trader. Trade statistics of the Zollverein, 77 given year were done but few authors produced continuous series. This work is worth mentioning for its precursory character. However, the method used to set prices is too vague and the esti- mates are not considered reliable. A second set of estimates, based on Austrian prices, must also be used with caution.

His series used the same unit values for each year. He relied on different price sources to calculate current values identical prices are used for exports, imports and transit : German or foreign prices; Hamburg prices; reports of merchants and indus- trialists.

Dieterici , iii-viii. After the death of Ferber, Dieterici continued his work and extended the statistical overview to all members of the Zollverein and to production activity. Dieterici , ; Dieterici , ; Dieterici , Reden used Austrian prices to estimate the total value of Zollverein exports, imports and transit over Borries , ; Hirth Developed in Borries , Biersack estimated average prices for imports and exports over Junghanns , zweite Abteilung.

A hundred years later, several researchers undertook the task of revising these first evaluations and produced new series of external trade flows. Bondi reported the value of total exports and imports of the Zollverein over the period The territory is that of the Zollverein in its current borders. The final result is a synthetic table of three-year averages exports and imports of all Germany. Its main value-added over this period is the calculation of real series of imports and exports by categories of goods from onwards.

Borries , 38—39; Hirth , Bondi , — Hoffmann et al. Trade statistics of the Zollverein, 79 The latest estimate of German trade statistics is the one made by Lewis in an article that focuses on the reconstruction of series of world exports at current and constant prices over the period Lewis relied on volume indices of Hoffmann, on import statistics of Germany's partners, and on prices of British exports to recalculate annual and homogeneous series of German exports within its borders in It is true that German trade statistics were still plagued with methodological problems during the transition period.

In fact, except for taxed imports, there was no legal obligation to declare traded merchandises, and transit trade could be included in export or import trade in different proportions. The result was that exports tended to be undervalued rather than overvalued, as said by Lewis, and imports were overvalued. Despite the overall quality of the work done by Borries, his series are gener- ally ignored because of the limitation of the period and the absence of annual data.

They compare Lewis export series at constant territory, current and constant values with Bondi and Hoffmann export series at current territory, current and constant values. Lewis , 27— Lewis , It is a deduction because Lewis does not give an exact definition of the German territory.

The problem was solved with the Reichsgesetz vom Juli See the comparative table in Borries , Figure 2. Trade statistics of the Zollverein, 81 Figure 3. Figure 4. There are however differ- ences for years that see territorial enlargment of the Zollverein , , , , and over the period of transi- tion s. But, apart from the problem of the transition period, the third graph casts some doubt on Lewis data for his series indicates no increase in openness of the German economy between and Zollverein in its borders was as open in as in ?

It looks strange that this industrializing and new economic union did not take part in the trade globalization process that unfolded in the third quarter of the nineteenth century, as is demonstrated by the cases of France and the United Kingdom see graph 4. If it is quite sensible from a retrospective point of view, it makes little sense from a historical point of view because analysis is carried on a fictional entity. Therefore, I would not recom- mend the use of Lewis series remember that his work covers only exports.

Conclusion We still need global, detailed, annual, at current and constant prices time series of German trade statistics over Now that the documents are being digi- tized by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek the main problems remain the valuation of each good of the classification and the determina- tion of partner countries.

The estimations of Bondi, Hoffmann et al. Lampe has paved the way in his paper by using prices quoted in Hamburg and Bremen complemented with British prices, Kaiserreich official prices for The rate goes from In Maddison , , the population in is The current figure is However, reconstructing German bilateral trade flows before seems very problematic since German documents provide unusable infor- mation.

References Asselain J. Biersack H. Bondi G. Borries B. Bowring J. Charles L. Dedinger B. Jahrhun- dert, Steiner Verlag. Borries , 30 ; Lampe , Dumke R. Ferber C. Hahn H. Henderson W. Hirth G. Hoffmann W. Jahrhunderts, Berlin, Springer Verlag. Junghanns C. Kutz M. Lampe M. Lewis A. Past and Prospects, London, Macmillan, 27— Maddison A.

Mitchell B. Morgenstern O. Trade statistics of the Zollverein, 85 Pfister U. Reden F. Ritschl A. Soetbeer A. Wulf J. Zimmermann F. However, despite the turmoil, smaller nations were able to carve their niches in the international trade of the period. Examination of new sources, used in a comparative fashion, indicates that bilateral trade still has much to offer for the analysis of international trade history. The pattern of bilateral trade between Sweden and Portugal indicates that they were not equally dependent on that trade, and that the products traded varied over time.

Usually bulk commodities dominated this trade, as each country focused on its core competencies. Overall, the volume of trade and the number of ships trav- eling to each nation tended to grow over time, although this growth was not very even. The French Revolutionary and Napoleonic conflicts were a time of difficulties for both states, given their involvement in wars. While the overall effects of warfare are typically quite negative, these years offered opportunities for smaller states too, until they had to adjust to the intense competition of nineteenth century globalization.

Keywords: eighteenth century, international trade statistics, Portugal, Sweden, globalization, economic history, wars. Introduction Early modern international trade has been researched as part of the issue of how the growth of international trade contributed to economic growth and industrialization. Trade flows have usually been analyzed in the context of great trading powers, and by focusing on major trade routes such as East Indian trade to Europe,2 Mediterranean trade Braudel, , Baltic—Dutch Trade Tielhof, , and trade flows between North America and Europe North, ; Ahonen, Despite wars and the short-term disruptions they created for trade, the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were a period of growth, in the context of the expansion and consolidation of Euro- pean empires.

The age of mercantilist warfare was accompanied by the rising importance of sea power. Early modern states attempted to exert tight control over external trade flows. Even if trade was not a large sector in the national economies, given the predominance of agri- cultural production and activities, it nevertheless provided much needed revenue for the state.

Moreover, states that relied more on trade revenues in order to cater for their spending needs usually also developed more complex systems of finance, including public debt. Therefore, the extent and structure of early modern trade flows and their economic and fiscal impacts should be a major issue in the study of early modern economic growth and development.

Although trade has been an object of interest for economic historians of the industrial revolution, less attention has been paid to exchanges between small countries. More generally, the roles 2. Relatively few studies of the various East-India Companies have analyzed the actual trade flows in detail, or applied statistical methods to the analysis. See e. On trading companies and the emergence of multinational corporations, see Carlos and Nicholas, Early modern trade flows between smaller states 89 that smaller nations played in the international economy, espe- cially in this period of expansion of the European empires, need further investigation.

Most trade historians have assumed that small countries occupied an insignificant role in the colonial networks. As Moreira and Eloranta have argued, while most smaller European states and the United States of America were politically and economically weak, they still contributed to and even controlled some significant commodity trade flows.

Although, it is natural that historians focus on great empires, such as Great Britain and France, the consequence is that we have too little understanding of many of the trade networks between small and large nations, even though these networks were quite literally the lifelines of the great powers during times of intense conflict.

During recent years, more effort has been put into investigating the concept of neutrality and the role of small states during the Napoleonic wars than previously. In this perspective, this article discusses the patterns of trade between Sweden and Portugal during the turbulent late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Were they technological, organi- zational, or institutional? The evolution of risk and economic instability is important for transport costs.

The decline of such a risk was vital for small nations, as they did not have the resources, for example, to provide convoys to protect merchant vessels. However, even if business risks have been extensively studied, general trends of how uncertainty affected fluctuations in trade volume has not been widely discussed. In what follows, we provide an in-depth look at the trade flows between two smaller nations that will reveal some of the oppor- tunities and problems in engaging in research on bilateral trade flows.

First, we explore some of the issues related to the sources of data as well as the methods used to compare the data. Then we observe and analyze the general trade flows from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries.

Our main focus, however, is on the eighteenth century and especially the latter part of that century. Sources and methods Multiple reasons make early modern trade a difficult issue: for example lack of reliable data, measurement issues, comparability of the data, and the difficulty in accessing the sources.

The recent digi- tization of the Danish Sound Toll Registers has broken new ground for quantitative historians as this unique source provides abundant information on trade entering and leaving Northern Europe. Moreover, these registers contain detailed information on flows of commodities through the Danish Sound. For a discussion of the usefulness of the data in the Sound Toll Registers see e.

See Ahonen, for details. They do not measure intra-Baltic trade, of course. Sound Toll records recorded transfer traffic, whilst the Portuguese and Swedish records were about the overall foreign trade. Thus, there are, of course, also Danish foreign trade statistics, which we do not use here. The first were set according to cargo and the later according to the size of the vessel Ahonen, The payment of duty was based on various agreements and numerous regulations.

In the customs office, the names of foreign articles were translated into Danish. No conversion or standardization of the foreign units was made: the original unit was retained Scheltjens, If the ship was carrying only ballast, it had to pay only light duty. For example in the s, it was only two riksdalers. A ship with an average-sized cargo on the way from Sweden to Portugal paid some 75 riksdalers. Generally speaking the itemization was done carefully and meticu- lously, and the accuracy of the registration improved over time Ahonen, It is worthwhile noting that the rate of custom payments for each product seldom changed, even though the commodity prices varied considerably over time.

The trade volumes provided by the Sound Toll Registers and by Swedish and Portuguese sources match fairly well. This suggests that both sets of sources are fairly accurate. Thus, they can be used to assess the trade flows between Portugal and Sweden in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The second main source we use in this paper is the Portuguese trade records with Scandinavia Sweden and Denmark for the years , , , , , and — They come from the Portuguese Balances of Trade.

During the eighteenth century sometimes only a rough estimate of the point of departure is mentioned, for example: Baltic or Mediterranean. The name and size of the ship were often missing. Ahonen, The source displayed both quantitative and qualitative information: prices, quantities, units, goods, classes, origins, and ports of entry of goods, exchange rates for some years and markets , number of Portuguese and foreign ships that arrived and departed the country also, for some years and markets.

Each record of imports or exports was measured in terms of value. Most of the time it is also possible to identify the product and its quantity, price, and unit. It is possible to identify the flows of goods by destination and by Portuguese administrative region where that flow was regis- tered.

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